Association between walkability and diverse health metrics: moderating role of social vulnerability
Farnaz Hesam Shariati1, Anna L. Chupak1, Erin Looney1, Shirelle H. Hallum1, Courtney M. Monroe1, Mojtaba Kazemian2, and Andrew T. Kaczynski1,3
1 Department of Health Promotion, Education, and Behavior, Arnold School of Public Health, University of South Carolina, U.S.A.
2 Department of Health Services Policy and Management, Arnold School of Public Health, University of South Carolina, U.S.A.
3 Prevention Research Center, Arnold School of Public Health, University of South Carolina, U.S.A.
Abstract:
Little research has considered associations between walkability and multiple health outcomes and the moderating effect of social determinants of health. This study examined relationships between walkability and diverse health issues (depression, poor mental health, poor physical health, mobility disability, obesity) and no leisure-time physical activity and whether these relationships were moderated by social vulnerability. Then, we assessed whether these moderated effects varied between urbanicity. For 1089 census tracts in South Carolina, we compiled EPA National Walkability Index, 6 health metrics from the CDC-PLACES dataset, and the CDC Social Vulnerability Index. Multilevel regression models were employed to account for the nested structure of the data, with census tracts (level 1) nested within counties (level 2). Overall, tract walkability was significantly negatively associated with poor mental health, poor physical health, obesity, and no leisure-time physical activity. The interaction between National Walkability Index and Social Vulnerability Index suggested that the relationship between health metrics and walkability varied depending on the level of social vulnerability in the community. In addition, tract rural or urban classification significantly altered the relationship between walkability and some health metrics. This study’s findings provide valuable insights for equitable urban planning and strategies to address walkability and public health issues.
Keywords: health risk behavior; mental health; physical health; public health; social vulnerability; walkability
The prevalence of physical and mental health issues has risen significantly in the United States (US) in recent years compared to past decades (Twenge et al., 2019). Conditions such as poor mental health, poor physical health, and physical inactivity are among the leading contributors to chronic diseases like obesity and depression (Anderson & Durstine, 2019; Booth et al., 2017; Harris, 2018, Kocjan et al., 2024; Ohrnberger et al., 2017; National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute, 2022). Currently, nearly 40% of US adults are classified as obese, 8.3% have major depression, and the prevalence of physical inactivity is 25.3%, all risk factors that are linked to severe and often fatal outcomes such as heart attacks and strokes (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2024; National Institute of Mental Health, 2021; CDC, 2024e; Kurth et al., 2002; Lavie et al., 2019; Pan et al., 2011; Penninx et al., 2001; Powell-Wiley et al., 2021; Sher et al., 2010; Willey et al., 2017). Given the prevalence of these concerns, there is an urgent need to tackle these issues upstream and to consider the relation of neighborhood factors such as walkability with diverse physical and mental health outcomes.
Indeed, historically, much research has focused on individual-level risk factors, whether behavioral or biological, often without considering the environments or social contexts that facilitated their emergence and persistence (Diez-Roux, 2003). While this approach has yielded valuable insights into personal determinants of health, it overlooks the systemic and structural factors that shape individual behaviors and health risks (Brown et al., 2019; Link & Phelan, 1995). One of these structural level factors is neighborhood infrastructure and accessibility to health-promoting environments (Tao et al., 2022). For instance, living in neighborhoods with limited access to green spaces, poorly maintained sidewalks, or high crime rates can constrain opportunities for physical activity and increase stress levels, both of which are significant contributors to physical and mental health problems (Foster & Giles-Corti, 2008; Lauwers et al., 2021; Rees-Punia et al., 2018; Salvo et al., 2018). Such narrow approaches fail to account for the diverse physical and social characteristics of neighborhoods, which play a critical role in shaping individual health outcomes relevant to such health outcomes (Diez-Roux, 2007, 2016; Diez-Roux et al., 2017).
Researchers have recently begun to focus on assessing the effects of spatial context and factors at the neighborhood level on residents’ health as an upstream solution (Diez-Roux, 2007; Diez-Roux & Mair, 2010; Macintyre et al., 2002). This shift underscores the importance of designing healthy communities, which is a crucial step in mitigating physical and mental health problems (Kumar & Preetha, 2012; Sallis et al., 2012). In particular, the walkability of neighborhoods, as one key component of a built environment, can affect how well individuals’ health outcomes are addressed at the population level (Kaczynski, 2010; Laddu et al., 2021). Neighborhood walkability can be defined as the extent to which the features of the built environment allow residents to travel to work or walk for leisure, exercise, and access to services (Kaczynski et al., 2012; Leslie et al., 2007). Walkability is often determined by factors such as mixed land use, street connectivity (i.e., pedestrian-friendly grid-like street network), and net residential density (i.e., population density), enabling people to engage in active transportation on a daily basis safely (Wei et al., 2016; Lovasi et al., 2011; Thomas et al., 2025). Considering a neighborhood’s walkability is crucial because walkable spaces facilitate low or no-cost physical activity, such as walking, jogging, or cycling, which require minimal equipment or financial investment (McCormack et al., 2022). Also, engaging in physical activity regularly is associated with decreasing the global burden of chronic diseases (Anderson & Durstine, 2019). Other research has also documented the favorable relationship between increased walkability and important social and mental health factors, such as social capital, social isolation, and depression (Asiamah et al., 2023; Leyden, 2003; Mazumdar et al., 2018).
Given its significant role in promoting diverse aspects of community well-being, access to walkable environments may be considered a social determinant of health (Westenhöfer et al., 2023). Unfortunately, some research suggests that walkable environments are not always equitably available within and across communities (Bereitschaft, 2017; Pereira et al., 2023). For example, in the San Francisco Bay area, Riggs found that black residents lived in less walkable neighborhoods (Riggs, 2016). Although such research has shed light on disparities in walkable environments, a more holistic means by which to address environmental justice issues is to consider the construct of social vulnerability. Social vulnerability is defined as the likelihood of a particular population being adversely affected by hazards, such as those related to environmental or health issues (Andrew, 2015; Mah et al., 2023). It is comprised of several measures related to sociodemographic factors, population density, and transportation, and may shape mobility patterns and active transportation (Gordon-Larsen et al., 2006; Hansmann et al., 2022; Riggs & Sethi, 2020). A number of studies have examined the role of social vulnerability in this regard. For instance, one study by Wali (2023) showed that neighborhoods with high walkability and low social vulnerability had about 20% lower COVID-19 mortality rates compared to those with low walkability and high social vulnerability. In addition, another study assessed the association between residential county social vulnerability and leisure-time physical inactivity among US adults, and found that compared to people living in counties in the least vulnerable areas, those living in the mid-low, mid-high, and highest social vulnerability quartiles had higher odds of being physically inactive during leisure time (An & Xiang, 2015). Another study by Bereitschaft (2023) also investigated whether socially vulnerable populations had equitable access to walkable and transit-accessible neighborhoods within America's largest metropolitan areas founding a lower transit accessibility for high socially vulnerable populations living in more walkable neighborhood. Given these previous findings, we deemed it important to examine the role of social vulnerability moderating the relationship between walkability and health. For example, greater walkability may be significantly associated with health in more vulnerable neighborhoods that lack transportation or other individual or environmental assets, but little research has explored such issues to date.
In addition to differences by social vulnerability, the relationship between walkability and health may also vary in urban versus rural contexts (Fan et al., 2017). For example, one study found that among urban youth, higher Walk Scores were linked to higher body mass index (BMI) z-scores, while among rural youth, higher Walk Scores were linked to lower BMI z-scores (Stowe et al., 2019). Likewise, a study of older adults reported that those residing in more accessible environments, such as areas with continuous barrier-free sidewalks and nearby public transportation, had 18% higher odds of belonging to the more mobile group (Clarke & Gallagher, 2013). In contrast, a few studies found no differences in the relationship between walkability and health by urban-rural categories (Bucko et al., 2021; Kasehagen et al., 2012). Such variation in literature suggests the importance of considering urbanicity in such an analysis as a stratifying variable. Multiple studies in a similar scope have used Rural-Urban Commuting Area (RUCA) codes to stratify their study settings into urban-rural categories (Adams et al., 2025; Kasehagen et al., 2012; Makram et al., 2025). Thus, we employed the same approach, stratifying our census tracts into urban and rural categories using RUCA codes to better understand differences in how walkability relates to health outcomes in different types of environments (U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, 2025).
In summary, while diverse studies have reported a relationship between walkability and health, several important gaps remain in this research area. First, many studies focus on the association between walkability and a single health outcome or behavior (e.g., physical activity), but not multiple health issues concurrently. Second, little research has considered the moderating effect of social determinants of health, especially using a composite metric such as social vulnerability (Edwards & Dulai, 2018; Reis et al., 2013; Van Holle et al., 2014; Bereitschaft, 2017). Third, minimal research about walkability and health, including variations by vulnerability, has been conducted within the Southeastern US where disparities in environmental justice and health equity are substantial (Bereitschaft, 2017, 2023; Bernhart et al., 2022). Finally, key differences may exist in the association between walkability and health in rural versus urban areas, but this has rarely been considered (Stowe et al., 2019). Given these limitations, the overall purpose of this study was to conduct an equity analysis regarding walkability and its association with diverse health issues related to mental and physical health (i.e., depression, poor mental health, poor physical health, mobility disability, obesity, no leisure-time physical activity) across all census tracts in South Carolina (SC). In particular, we sought to answer the following research questions:
1. What is the relationship between walkability and the aforementioned health issues and behaviors?
2. Is the relationship between walkability and these health issues and behaviors moderated by social vulnerability?
3. Is the relationship between walkability and these health issues and behaviors moderated by social vulnerability different in urban versus rural areas?
The state of SC provides a valuable setting in which to investigate such issues for multiple reasons. First, SC demonstrates considerable variation in social vulnerability, which makes it a preferable study setting to closely study how structural and sociodemographic factors might influence the links between walkability and health outcomes (Sonawane et al., 2024). Second, the state faces significant health challenges, such as high rates of obesity, physical inactivity, and chronic disease (America’s Health Rankings, 2021). Finally, walkability across SC varies widely and has not been prioritized in most community planning efforts. Therefore, these considerations make it especially important to study how walkable environments affect health in this area.
Overall, a better appreciation of walkability and health outcomes and their variations by social vulnerability and urbanicity/rurality can provide valuable insights and compelling evidence for policymakers and planners to tailor interventions and design strategies to address the unique health challenges faced by communities in SC.
Methods
Study Setting
This study examined all census tracts within SC (n=1103). Census tracts were chosen as the geographic unit of analysis in this study because they are widely used in public health and urban planning research, offering standardized and consistent boundaries for linking environmental and sociodemographic data. Unlike considering buffer zones which focus on individualized spatial contexts, census tracts allow for regional comparisons and facilitate integration with existing datasets such as social vulnerability and various health outcomes. The estimated land area of included tracts was approximately 30,064.28 square miles with a population of 5,118,425 (US Census Bureau, South Carolina, 2020). Approximately 1 in 4 residents (26.0%) in SC identified as African American and 69.0% as White (US Census Bureau, South Carolina, 2020). In addition, 19.3% of the total population was 65 years or older, while 21.3% was 18 years or younger. The median household income in 2022 was $63,623, and 13.9% of the population lived in poverty (US Census Bureau, South Carolina, 2020).
Study Design
This study used a cross-sectional design to analyze the association between neighborhood walkability and health.
Measures
To measure the walkability of neighborhoods, the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) created the National Walkability Index to assign census block groups a score from 1 (least walkable) to 20 (most walkable) (J. Thomas & Zeller, 2017; US EPA, 2021). Use of the National Walkability Index in both urban and rural contexts has been well-documented (Moored et al., 2024; Rockhill et al., 2025; Watson et al., 2020). The National Walkability Index (2021) consists of three built environment metrics that affect whether people walk as a mode of transportation: street intersection density, proximity to transit stops, and land use diversity (Ewing & Cervero, 2010). The mean walkability of all block groups within a tract was calculated to obtain a National Walkability Index value for each census tract in SC.
Health Metrics
Multiple health metrics for each census tract in SC were retrieved from the 2021 Population Level Analysis and Community Estimates (PLACES) data source (CDC, 2022). The PLACES program uses small area estimation and a multilevel regression and poststratification approach, integrating geocoded health surveys with detailed data from the CDC’s Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS), 5-year American Community Survey estimates, and state- and county-level random effects, to estimate the geographic distribution of population disease burden and health behaviors for adults ages 18 years and older (CDC, 2023a).
Five diverse health outcomes and one key health-risk behavior were obtained for each census tract. These health metrics were chosen to represent diverse physical and mental health outcomes and behaviors that have been linked to features of the built environment, including walkability. Depression was the percentage of people who reported being told by a health professional they had a depressive disorder (CDC, 2024d). Poor mental health was the percentage of residents who reported that their mental health was not good for 14 or more days during the past 30 days (CDC, 2024c). Poor physical health was the percentage of respondents who reported that their physical health had not been good for 14 or more days during the past 30 days (CDC, 2024c). Mobility disability was the proportion who answered “yes” to “Do you have serious difficulty walking or climbing stairs?” (CDC, 2024). Obesity was the percentage of respondents who had a BMI ≥30.0 kg/m² calculated from self-reported weight and height (CDC, 2024). No leisure time physical activity was those who reported not participating in any physical activities or exercise outside their regular job (CDC, 2024b).
Social Vulnerability
Data on social vulnerability were collected for all census tracts in SC. The Social Vulnerability Index was developed by the CDC using 2021 data and comprises four sub-themes, including socioeconomic status, household composition and disability, minority status and language, and housing type and transportation, which collectively include 15 social factors. For each census tract in SC, a percentile rank was obtained for each social factor as a value between 0 and 1, with higher values indicating greater social vulnerability. Percentile ranks for each dimension were then calculated by combining the respective social factors, and an overall Social Vulnerability Index percentile was derived by calculating the average percentile ranking values for the four dimensions (CDC, 2024a).
Urbanicity
Census tracts were classified based on rurality/urbanicity using Rural Urban Community Area (RUCA) codes that are derived according to measures of population density, urbanization, and daily commuting (US Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service [USDA ERS], 2024). RUCA primary codes ranging from 1 (most urban) to 10 (most rural) were combined into two categories of urban (codes 1-6) versus rural (codes 7-10) (DeGuzman et al., 2021; Mulrooney et al., 2023; USDA ERS, 2024).
Tract Sociodemographic Characteristics
To account for various sociodemographic characteristics, the following variables were obtained for each tract from American Community Survey 5-year estimates (2015–2019): 1) percentage of population under 125% of the federal poverty threshold; 2) percentage unemployed; 3) median household income; 4) percentage with less than high school education; 5) percentage 65 years or older; 6) percentage 17 years or younger; and 7) percentage racial/ethnic minority population.
Analysis
Descriptive statistics were used to explore walkability, social vulnerability, various health metrics and behaviors, and sociodemographic characteristics for all census tracts. To address aim one, multilevel (mixed-effects) linear regression models investigated the association between census tract walkability and health outcomes (dependent variables), while adjusting for social vulnerability and sociodemographic covariates. To account for the hierarchical structure of the data, census tracts (Level 1) were nested within counties (Level 2), and random intercepts for counties were included to account for within-county clustering of observations. For aim two (i.e., how relationships between walkability and the health metrics vary by social vulnerability), we conceptualized social vulnerability as a moderating variable given prior evidence that structural and contextual factors may influence how built environment characteristics relate to health outcomes. To accomplish this, an interaction term between centered National Walkability Index and centered Social Vulnerability Index percentile was added to the models. Continuous variables included in interaction terms (i.e., National Walkability Index and Social Vulnerability Index) were mean-centered to reduce multicollinearity (centering was applied only in moderation analyses; aims 2 and 3). The Social Vulnerability Index was scaled from 0 to 1, representing percentile ranking. Accordingly, regression coefficients can be interpreted in meaningful increments (e.g., a 0.1 increase corresponding to a 10-percentile increase). Afterward, values for simple slopes of the interaction between centered National Walkability Index and centered Social Vulnerability Index were plotted for each health variable. Simple slopes were computed for each health metric by utilizing centered values of National Walkability Index and the overall Social Vulnerability Index percentile ranking within the study sample. Finally, to address aim 3, we again examined the relationship between walkability and health metrics moderated by social vulnerability when tracts were stratified as urban versus rural. Urbanicity was included as a stratifying variable in order to assess potential heterogeneity in these associations across fundamentally different contexts. All analyses were conducted in Stata 18 SE software (StataCorp, 2023) and tests were considered significant at p<.05.
Results
Table 1 shows descriptive statistics for all tracts in SC for all independent (National Walkability Index and Social Vulnerability Index) and dependent (health metrics) variables and covariates; 14 tracts were excluded due to missing data. Overall, SC had 46 counties containing between 3 and 111 census tracts (M=5, SD= 33.83) considered for this study. On average, census tract walkability scores were “below average” (M=6.89, SD=3.33, Range=1.00-18.70) (US EPA, 2021). The mean Social Vulnerability Index for all tracts in SC was moderate (M=0.49, SD=0.28, Range=0.01-0.99). Across all tracts, the mean rate of obesity (37.49%) was greatest among the examined health metrics.
Table 1. Descriptive Characteristics of Census Tracts in South Carolina (n=1089)
|
Tract Characteristics |
N |
Minimum |
Maximum |
Mean |
Std. Deviation |
|
Census tracts within Counties |
1089 |
3 |
111 |
52.00 |
33.82 |
|
National Walkability Index |
1089 |
1.00 |
18.70 |
6.89 |
3.33 |
|
Overall Social Vulnerability Index percentile, SC |
1089 |
0.01 |
0.99 |
0.49 |
0.28 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Depression % |
1089 |
13.60 |
34.30 |
21.31 |
2.44 |
|
Poor mental health % |
1089 |
8.50 |
36.40 |
17.79 |
3.21 |
|
Poor physical health % |
1089 |
5.50 |
27.20 |
12.83 |
3.02 |
|
Mobility disability % |
1089 |
2.40 |
36.50 |
15.33 |
5.05 |
|
Obesity % |
1089 |
19.90 |
56.50 |
37.49 |
5.85 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
No leisure-time physical activity % |
1089 |
11.20 |
53.30 |
26.73 |
7.35 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Population below poverty % |
1087 |
0.00 |
100.00 |
17.71 |
11.82 |
|
Population unemployed % |
1088 |
0.00 |
26.80 |
6.96 |
4.38 |
|
Median household income |
1089 |
3115 |
164297 |
27682.85 |
12943.82 |
|
Population with no high school diploma % |
1089 |
0.00 |
47.40 |
13.94 |
8.54 |
|
Population age 65 or above % |
1089 |
0.00 |
76.30 |
17.30 |
7.77 |
|
Population age 17 or below % |
1089 |
0.00 |
38.20 |
21.36 |
6.09 |
|
Racial/ethnic minority population % |
1089 |
0.00 |
100.00 |
37.64 |
23.43 |
Relationship between Walkability and Health Metrics
Table 2 represents the association between walkability and various health issues and behaviors (aim 1). The results showed that greater walkability was significantly and negatively associated with poor mental health (B=-.05, SE=.02, p=0.001), poor physical health (B=-.08, SE=.01, p<0.000), obesity (B=-.22, SE=.03, p<0.000), and no leisure time physical activity (B=-.13, SE=.03, p<0.000).
Table 2. Association Between Neighborhood Walkability and Health Metrics across Census Tracts in South Carolina (n=1089)
|
Variables |
Depression B (SE) |
Poor mental health B (SE) |
Poor physical health B (SE) |
Mobility disability B (SE) |
Obesity B (SE) |
No leisure time physical activity B (SE) |
|
National Walkability Index |
-.02 (.01) |
-.05 (.02)** |
-.08 (.01)*** |
-.04 (.03) |
-.22 (.03)*** |
-.13 (.03)*** |
**p < 0.01
***p < 0.001
National Walkability Index and Social Vulnerability Index were centered to minimize multicollinearity.
Relationship between Walkability and Health Metrics Moderated by Social Vulnerability
As displayed in Table 3, results from multilevel linear regression models accounting for clustering of census tracts within counties indicated that the interaction between National Walkability Index and Social Vulnerability Index was significant and negative for poor mental health, poor physical health, obesity, and no leisure time physical activity. Random effects estimates suggested meaningful between-county variation in health outcomes, with intraclass correlation coefficients (ICC) ranging from 5.3% to 53.6% (e.g., ICC=9.6% for poor mental health; ICC=36.2% for no leisure time physical activity), and likelihood ratio tests confirmed that multilevel models provided a better fit than single-level models (p<0.001). Figures 1, 2, 3, and 4, respectively, illustrate these associations for the aforementioned variables at low, mean, and high levels of Social Vulnerability Index. Low, mean, and high levels of the Social Vulnerability Index were defined as one standard deviation below the mean, the mean, and one standard deviation above the mean, respectively, based on the distribution within the study sample. As shown in Figure 1, higher National Walkability Index was associated with lower levels of poor mental health across all levels of Social Vulnerability Index. Specifically, higher walkability was associated with greater reductions in poor mental health at low Social Vulnerability Index (B=-0.08, SE=0.02, p<0.001) and mean Social Vulnerability Index (B=-0.04, SE=0.02, p= 0.001) compared to high Social Vulnerability Index (B=-0.02, SE=0.02, p= 0.337). Similarly, at all levels of Social Vulnerability Index (low: B=-0.11, SE=0.02, p<0.001, mean: B=-0.08, SE=0.01, p<0.001, high: B=-0.06, SE=0.02, p<0.001), an increase in National Walkability Index was associated with a decrease in the prevalence of poor physical health as displayed in Figure 2. Notably, poor physical health was greatest in high socially vulnerable areas with low walkability, and it experienced the smallest decrease as the walkability score increased. This decline was greater for tracts with medium and low social vulnerability. Remarkably, obesity rate was greatest in low Social Vulnerability Index but also experienced the greatest decline (B=-0.27, SE=0.03, p<0.001) as walkability of neighborhood increased. On the other hand, high socially vulnerable areas had the lowest rate of obesity in low walkable neighborhoods and faced the smallest decrease (B=-0.17, SE=0.03, p<0.001) as walkability increased compared to low and mean Social Vulnerability Index (B=-0.22, SE=0.03, p<0.001). Lastly, as shown in Figure 4, no leisure-time physical activity declined across all levels of Social Vulnerability Index (low: B=-0.19, SE=0.03, p<0.001, mean: B=-0.13, SE=0.03, p<0.001, high: B=-0.07, SE=0.03, p=0.028).
Table 3. Association Between Neighborhood Walkability and Health Metrics Moderated by Social Vulnerability and Stratified by Urban versus Rural across Census Tracts in South Carolina (n=1089)
|
Variables
|
N |
Depression B (SE) |
Poor mental health B (SE) |
Poor physical health B (SE) |
Mobility disability B (SE)
|
Obesity B (SE)
|
No leisure time physical activity B (SE) |
|
National Walkability Index |
1089 |
-.02 (.01) |
-.05 (.02)** |
-.08 (.01)*** |
-.04 (.03) |
-.22 (.03)*** |
-.13 (.03)*** |
|
Urban |
888 |
-.03 (.02) |
-.05 (.02)** |
-.07 (.02)*** |
-.02 (.03) |
-.19 (.03)*** |
-.10 (.03)*** |
|
Rural |
201 |
-.07 (.05) |
-.07 (.06) |
-.27 (.06)*** |
-.42 (.11)*** |
-.55 (.10)*** |
-.50 (.11)*** |
|
Overall Social Vulnerability Index percentile, SC |
1089 |
1.00 (.27)*** |
.78 (.30)** |
1.08 (.28)*** |
1.62 (.49)** |
.46 (.49) |
2.80 (.52)*** |
|
Urban |
888 |
1.24 (.30)*** |
1.11 (.34)** |
1.23 (.30)*** |
1.67 (.55)** |
.39 (.56) |
3.26 (.57)*** |
|
Rural |
201 |
.31 (.75) |
-.96 (.86) |
.89 (.87) |
2.46 (1.52) |
.84 (1.44) |
1.80 (1.62) |
|
National Walkability Index x Overall Social Vulnerability Index |
1089 |
-.02 (.04) |
.11 (.04)** |
.09 (.04)* |
.05 (.07) |
.18 (.07)** |
.20 (.01)** |
|
Urban |
888 |
-.05 (.04) |
.07 (.05) |
.06 (.04) |
-.04 (.07) |
.20 (.07)** |
.15 (.08) |
|
Rural |
201 |
.22 (.18) |
.17 (.21) |
.36 (.21) |
.81 (.37)* |
.26 (.35) |
.84 (.39)* |
|
Random Effects (County Level) |
|||||||
|
Variance (Intercepts) |
0.72 |
0.15 |
0.07 |
0.47 |
4.40 |
2.44 |
|
|
Residual Variance |
1.12 |
1.44 |
1.24 |
3.95 |
3.81 |
4.30 |
|
|
Intraclass Correlation Coefficients (ICC;%) |
39.1% |
9.6% |
5.3% |
10.6% |
53.6% |
36.2% |
|
|
Model Fit Statistics |
|||||||
|
Observation |
1087 |
1087 |
1087 |
1087 |
1087 |
1087 |
|
|
Counties |
46 |
46 |
46 |
46 |
46 |
46 |
|
|
Log Likelihood |
-1660.47 |
-1765.45 |
-1673.42 |
-2313.70 |
-2336.20 |
-2387.15 |
|
|
Likelihood Ratio Test (vs Ordinary Least Squares) |
550.76*** |
109.81*** |
26.95*** |
64.32*** |
717.64*** |
335.67*** |
|
*p < 0.05
**p < 0.01
***p < 0.001
National Walkability Index and Social Vulnerability Index were centered to minimize multicollinearity.
All models were estimated using multilevel linear regression with census tracts nested within counties (random intercepts included). Variance components and intraclass correlation coefficients are reported for county-level effects. Likelihood Ratio Tests compare multilevel models to single-level linear models.

Figure 1. Relationship between National Walkability Index and Poor Mental Health by Social Vulnerability

Figure 2. Relationship between National Walkability Index and Poor Physical Health by Social Vulnerability

Figure 3. Relationship between National Walkability Index and Obesity by Social Vulnerability

Figure 4. Relationship between National Walkability Index and No Leisure-Time Physical Activity by Social Vulnerability
Walkability and Health Metrics Relationship Moderated by Social Vulnerability Stratified by Urbanicity/Rurality
As shown in Table 3, taking into account the rural or urban classification of tracts altered the relationship between walkability and some health metrics significantly. Specifically, before including the interaction of National Walkability Index and Social Vulnerability Index, the association between walkability and poor mental health was significant only in urban tracts (B=-.05, SE=.02, p<0.01), while this association remained significant for poor physical health, obesity, and no leisure time physical activity. However, for mobility disability, this association became statistically significant among rural tracts (B=-.42, SE=.11, p<0.001). When adding the moderating effect of social vulnerability to the model, the relationships between walkability and obesity (B=.20, SE=.07, p<0.01) became positive and significant only in urban tracts. On the other hand, the relationship between walkability and mobility disability (B=.81, SE=.37, p<0.05) and walkability and no leisure-time physical activity (B=.84, SE=.39, p<0.05) turned positive and significant only in rural tracts.
Discussion
This study explored the relationship between neighborhood walkability and various health issues and behaviors in SC, with a focus on the moderating role of social vulnerability and the classification of urbanicity/rurality. In doing so, we demonstrate that the health benefits of walkable environments are not shared equally, especially among socially vulnerable groups. Specifically, the findings of this study provide valuable insights into the significant inverse relationship between walkability and most health issues and behaviors and how this varied at different levels of social vulnerability. In addition, the observed variation between counties, as indicated by intraclass correlations in our results, suggests that contextual, county-level factors are associated with differences in health outcomes. These results emphasize the potential of walkable neighborhoods to mitigate the prevalence of chronic diseases and risky behaviors contributing to physical and mental health, thereby promoting public health at the community level. Our findings also highlight the importance of examining such issues within an environmental justice lens and considering walkability may not be uniform and equally beneficial and available to all.
Walkability and Health Metrics
Across this sample of SC census tracts, higher levels of walkability were significantly and negatively associated with numerous health metrics, including poor mental health, poor physical health, obesity, and no leisure time physical activity. These findings are consistent with prior research, as several studies have reported an inverse association between neighborhood walkability and the prevalence of chronic diseases, depression, and cardiovascular diseases (Howell, Tu, Moineddin, Chu, et al., 2019; Keats et al., 2020; Koohsari et al., 2019). For example, one study by Yoon et al. (2017) showed that lower walkability scores in neighborhoods in California were linked to less walking behavior among individuals, ultimately leading to poor mental health. In terms of physical health status, Wang et al. (2023) found that compared to those in neighborhoods with low walkability level, participants in highly walkability neighborhoods had increased odds of sufficient physical activity and decreased odds of obesity. Similarly, many studies proved a negative association between neighborhood walkability and BMI and obesity (King et al., 2011; Smith et al., 2008; Stowe et al., 2019; Van Cauwenberg et al., 2016; Wang et al., 2023). Considering such negative associations is vital, especially in SC, where these risk factors are among the most prevalent health concerns and causes of mortality (CDC, 2023b; South Carolina Department of Public Health, 2024). Another study by de Sa and Arden (2014) demonstrated that individuals living in highly walkable areas (upper quartiles of the walkability index) are more likely to engage in leisure walking or cycling compared to those in less walkable areas. Documenting such negative associations could bring attention to the significance of walkability when redesigning the built environment to enhance population health and well-being.
Walkability and Health Metrics Moderated by Social Vulnerability
The association between walkability and the considered health metrics was moderated by social vulnerability for three health outcomes and a health risk behavior: poor mental health, poor physical health, obesity, and no leisure-time physical activity. Specifically, across all levels of social vulnerability, the rate of these health issues and behaviors decreased as walkability of neighborhoods increased. Also, except for obesity, the rate of these outcomes was greatest in high socially vulnerable areas and the lowest in low socially vulnerable areas. There may be multiple reasons for these findings. First, neighborhoods with high social vulnerability often face additional barriers, such as safety concerns, inadequate infrastructure, or fewer recreational facilities, which may limit the extent to which increased walkability translates into health benefits (Fordham et al., 2013; S. Liu et al., 2023; McKenzie et al., 2013). Second, individuals in low socially vulnerable areas may have greater access to resources, such as well-maintained sidewalks, green spaces, or community programs, that amplify the positive effects of walkability on health (Bereitschaft, 2023; Bereitschaft, 2017; Y. Liu et al., 2024). These findings suggest that while walkability is beneficial across all communities, efforts to improve neighborhood environments in highly socially vulnerable areas are critical to reducing health disparities.
On the other hand, the prevalence of obesity in neighborhoods with low walkability was more pronounced in areas with low social vulnerability but showed the greatest reduction as walkability increased. In contrast, while individuals in high social vulnerability areas had the lowest obesity rates in low-walkability neighborhoods, they experienced the smallest reduction in obesity as walkability improved. Several factors could help explain these observed patterns. For example, in low social vulnerability areas with low walkability, residents might rely more on car transportation and sedentary behaviors due to the design of their neighborhoods (Chakrabarti & Shin, 2017). These behaviors could contribute to higher obesity rates despite their lower social vulnerability. In terms of the sharpest decline in the rate of obesity in areas with low social vulnerability as walkability increases, residents may be better positioned to take advantage of improvements in high walkable areas due to access to complementary resources (e.g., better-maintained sidewalks, recreational facilities, and safer environments) (Høyer-Kruse et al., 2024). Also, cultural or lifestyle differences across neighborhoods could play a role, where residents in low social vulnerability areas may already be more inclined to adopt physical activity behaviors that align with increased walkability compared to those in high social vulnerability areas.
Walkability and Health Metrics Moderated by Social Vulnerability and Stratified by Urbanicity/Rurality
While several prior studies have examined the relationship between walkability and multiple health metrics mentioned above, only a few have considered interaction effects between National Walkability Index and Social Vulnerability Index or based on urbanicity or rurality (Baobeid et al., 2021; Kowaleski-Jones et al., 2018; Lovasi et al., 2011; Rohrer et al., 2004; Van Cauwenberg et al., 2016; Wang et al., 2023; Howell, Tu, Moineddin, Chen, et al., 2019; Wali, 2023). According to our findings, the relationship between walkability and health varied depending on the interaction between National Walkability Index and Social Vulnerability Index and whether the tracts were in rural or urban areas. Specifically, the association between walkability and several health metrics (i.e., poor physical health, obesity, and no leisure time physical activity) was significant and negative in both urban and rural tracts. However, these associations became positive in both rural and urban areas after considering the moderation effect of social vulnerability. Such unexpected observations might be due to the complex interplay between social vulnerability and access to resources in both urban and rural areas. For instance, in socially vulnerable neighborhoods, even in walkable environments, barriers such as economic hardship, limited access to healthcare, healthy food options, safety concerns, or poorly maintained infrastructure may reduce the potential benefits of walkability, independent of urbanicity/rurality (Bereitschaft, 2023).
Recognizing how the association between walkability and health outcomes differs in rural versus urban areas, including variations by social vulnerability, is critical to understanding and promoting physical and mental health statuses in these diverse settings. Particularly, in urban areas, where infrastructure and destinations are typically more concentrated, increased walkability often leads to greater opportunities for better overall health and improved access to resources (Westenhöfer et al., 2023). However, in socially vulnerable urban neighborhoods, these benefits are frequently limited by factors such as safety concerns and economic barriers (Bereitschaft, 2023). In contrast, in rural settings with high social vulnerability, there might be fewer organized and sustained community programs promoting health and wellness, leading to isolation, loneliness, and reduced participation in social or physical activities, causing several health-concerning consequences, such as an increased rate of mobility disability and no leisure time physical activity (Shediac-Rizkallah & Bone, 1998; Williams et al., 2022). One study by Thielman et al. (2015) showed that in small towns, the rate of no leisure time physical activity was lower in areas with higher walkability. These risk factors may be multiplied by a lack of strategies targeting enhancing connectivity, addressing transportation gaps, and tailoring walkable infrastructure to better serve dispersed populations. Also, the fear of being unsafe and insecure in high vulnerability-urban areas could prevent people from engaging in physical activities even with greater walkability in their neighborhoods (Chupak et al., 2025).
Implications for Research and Practice
This study lends itself to a wealth of ideas for future research and practice. To begin, taking into account the complex relationship between walkability and health metrics moderated by social vulnerability and stratified by urbanicity/rurality, future studies could potentially focus on each of these directions further to obtain more nuanced findings (e.g., examining specific neighborhood design elements, individual versus community health behavior/outcomes, particular social determinants of health). In addition, other neighborhood factors contributing to health beyond walkability, such as aesthetics and safety, are additional environmental factors that merit examination. Also, the present methodology could be replicated in different states and regions with diverse levels of walkability, health, vulnerability, and urbanicity, and the results compared with each other. Researchers should also explore the preliminary relationships identified here in more detail, such as better understanding the thresholds or augmentations in walkability necessary to impact or achieve various health objectives (e.g., a 5% reduction in no leisure time physical activity). Finally, future analyses could also parse out which components of the Social Vulnerability Index most strongly moderate the effects of walkability on health, or develop a vulnerability-adjusted walkability framework that delineates Social Vulnerability Index thresholds at which the benefits of walkability are attenuated.
Regarding implications for policymakers and public health professionals, our findings provide preliminary support for embracing greater walkability to be associated with better mental and physical health (Zhu et al., 2013). As such improvements are made in communities, more natural intervention research is needed to ascertain and more rigorously document the longitudinal impacts of enhanced walkability (Acciai et al., 2023; Goon et al., 2020; White et al., 2021). In addition, problems specific to urban (e.g., traffic, crowded spaces) and rural (e.g., lack of resources) contexts require implementing community-based interventions to target health issues effectively and efficiently. Another critical finding beneficial for decision-makers is to consider the moderation effect of social vulnerability on the relationship between walkability and different health metrics. For example, efforts to increase walkability may need to be combined with (or follow) policies and programs that ameliorate social vulnerability barriers which may be impeding the potential association of a walkable neighborhood with improved health. Overall, as more is learned about how walkability is associated with health in diverse contexts, more robust evidence (e.g., additional studies, longitudinal study designs) will be valuable to reinforce the preliminary findings reported here. In the meantime, studies such as the present one provide a replicable, cost-effective means of surveillance and predictive modeling for better understanding and forecasting the impacts of improved walkability on health. By integrating accessible environmental and public health datasets from the EPA, CDC, and other organizations, states and communities can develop risk stratification profiles (e.g., for cities, neighborhoods, council/planning districts) and prioritize where walkability interventions may be most fruitful.
Strengths and Limitations
This study had a number of limitations. First, its cross-sectional design limits the ability to infer causality, and it is possible that healthy people may opt to live in more walkable environments (an issue of self-selection). Second, this research used the National Walkability Index, an index developed initially to assess individual-level physical activity, as a measure to investigate broader health outcomes on an ecological scale. While walkability indices provide valuable insights into neighborhood-level characteristics that influence physical activity, they may not directly capture the built environment and other social determinants of health. The National Walkability Index, including its current components, street intersection density, proximity to transit stops, and land use diversity, may also be less relevant in rural areas. Indeed, traditional walkability measurements are often inadequate for individuals living outside urban areas, as these metrics typically do not consider walking that is not directed toward a specific amenity. Future research needs to develop tools and metrics that can reliably measure walkability in rural communities and provide easily accessible results based on physical addresses. These tools should incorporate assessments of sidewalks, safe street crossings, town centers, trails, parks, other green spaces, and rural-specific destinations, like relaxing places and additional safety considerations (Maddock et al., 2024). Third, although this study integrated diverse secondary data from multiple reliable sources, including primary data about walkability and/or health may yield additional insights. In addition, other relevant variables, such as neighborhood greenery and aesthetics of the built environment, were not considered. Fourth, our approach is subject to the modifiable areal unit problem, where the results may vary depending on how the geographic boundaries of analysis are defined, influencing the observed relationships between walkability and health outcomes (Diez Roux, 2001, 2008). Census tracts in SC differ in size, demographic makeup, and socioeconomic status, can change borders gradually, and may span multiple neighborhoods. Therefore, it is possible to grasp only a fraction of this diversity and complexity when assessing walkability and health metrics at the census tract level. Finally, since this study uses aggregate data at the census tract level, the findings may be affected by ecological fallacy, in that patterns observed in neighborhoods might not apply to individuals, which could limit the generalizability of the results.
On the other hand, this study has several strengths worth mentioning. First and foremost, we considered the relationship between walkability and several health metrics relevant to mental and physical health simultaneously. Second, to our knowledge, no study to date has considered such relationships in the context of an interaction between National Walkability Index and Social Vulnerability Index. Third, including RUCA classifications (i.e., stratifying by urban and rural areas) and focusing on a state with diverse and egregious geographic and sociodemographic health disparities provided insightful results regarding the association between walkability and health metrics in varied contexts.
Conclusion
In conclusion, our findings showed that higher walkability was associated with lower prevalence of several health outcomes and risk behaviors. In addition, greater walkability in low and medium socially vulnerable areas was negatively associated with multiple health outcomes, while higher walkability was not associated with some health outcomes in high socially vulnerable areas. However, these relationships varied when considering urbanicity/rurality. The insights gained from this study can be used to develop relevant interventions and policies to consider walkability (e.g., improving infrastructure such as sidewalks, green spaces, and access to essential services) alongside social vulnerability (e.g., addressing systemic barriers like economic inequality), based on the specific contexts and associated issues to promote population health and well-being.
Correspondence should be addressed to
Andrew T. Kaczynski
Department of Health Promotion, Education, and Behavior
Arnold School of Public Health, University of South Carolina
915 Greene Street, Room 539
Columbia, SC, 29208
(803) 777-7063
Farnaz
Hesam Shariati: 0000-0002-2892-4104
Anna
L. Chupak: 0000-0002-8917-2145
Erin
Looney: 0000-0002-2218-7676
Shirelle
H. Hallum: 0009-0008-1805-2665
Mojtaba
Kazemian: 0009-0000-5458-2382
Acknowledgements
Not applicable
Ethics Approval and Consent to Participate
Not applicable. We used datasets that are publicly available.
https://www.census.gov/acs/www/data/data-tables-and-tools/data-profiles/
https://www.epa.gov/smartgrowth/national-walkability-index-user-guide-and-methodology
https://www.ers.usda.gov/data-products/rural-urban-commuting-area-codes/documentation/
Consent for Publication
Not applicable
Conflict of Interest Statement
The authors declare that they have no competing interests.
Authors’ Contributions
F.HS. was in charge of formal analysis, investigation, data curation, writing and original draft preparation, and visualization. A.L.C. was in charge of formal analysis, data curation, writing, and reviewing. S.H.H. was in charge of data curation. E.L., C.M.M., and M.K. were in charge of writing and reviewing extensively. A.T.K. was in charge of project administration, methodology, data curation, writing original draft preparation, writing and reviewing, and funding acquisition. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
Funding
This study was supported by the University of South Carolina, Office of Research.
List of Abbreviations
BMI: Body Mass Index
BRFSS: Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System
CDC: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
EPA: Environmental Protection Agency
PLACES: Population Level Analysis and Community Estimates
RUCA: Rural Urban Community Area
SC: South Carolina
US: United States
Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 4.0 International License (CC BY-NC 4.0).
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